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The Impacts of current medium of instruction policies on literacy development in post colonial Africa: research evidence and proposals for improvement

Collectivité auteur : UNESCO Regional Office for Education in Africa (Senegal)

Personne auteur : Bunyi, Grace W.

Dans : Comparative perspectives on language and literacy, p.

Langue : Anglais

Année de publication :

chapitre

mm = = = = = . Regional Office, Dakar COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES ON LANGUAGE AND LITERACY Selected papers from the work of the Language and Literacy Commission of the 10th World Congress of Comparative Education Societies Cape Town, Edited by LESLIE LIMAGEAll rights reserved First published ISBN Printed in Dakar, Senegal © UNESCO-BREDA The views expressed in this publication are entirely those of the authors, and do not represent the official position of U N E S C O . Published by the U N E S C O Regional Office, Dakar ( B R E D A ) B P Dakar, SenegalTABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE Leslie Limage, Pai Obanya, Lydia Nyati-Ramahobo INTRODUCTION Language and literacy : inextricably linked realities, fragmented polices 1 Leslie Limage OVERVIEW Education, equity and transformation from the perspectives of language education 17 Pai Obanya LANGUAGE ISSUES 1. J. B . Vega Language minority rights or the end of bilingual. education in California? A policy debate on California Initiative, Proposition 33 2. • G . Smitherman African Americans, ebonies and U . S . language planning/policy 51 3. V . W e b b Multilingualism in democratic South Africa: the over-estimation of language policy 65 4. C Wet & S. Niemann The status of mother tongue education in South Africa - a comparative perspective 87 5. N . Frenette & Observations from minority language education S. Quazi in Canada 99 6. J. L u m u Computer-based education and adult English second language learning 7. G . K . Park The Effect of two-way immersion programs on reading attitudes 8. D . Daniels & Language issues in a multilingual masters program E . Henning in community education: attempts at unraveling a grand narrative? K . Heugh Languages, development and reconstructing education in South Africa Z . Desai H . Lotherington J .Wang, P. Goldschmidt, D . Jamison T . Ufomata K . Smith G. H . Kamwendo N . Crawhall A . Cleghorn& R . Dube P. L . Morley& B . Huit D . Groux Y.I. Rubanza H . Rwantabagu Enabling policies, disabling practices The biliteracy practices and preferences of Khmer-English and Vietnamese-English bilingual Students in suburban Australia Immigrant status, language proficiency and opportunitiesto learn: determinants of the mathematics achievement of Pacific R i m students in California Major and minor languages in complex linguistic ecologies: the Nigerian experience The language identity The political dimension of mother tongue instruction in Malawi Going to a better life: Perspectives on the future of language in education for San and Khoe South Africans Codeswitching in primary mathematics lessons: sociocultural considerations Multicultural daycare of pre-school children in Rinkeby, Stockholm Plaidoyer pour une politique linguistic cohérente en matière d'apprentissage précoce des langues Can a three-tier language policy model work in Tanzania? A new perspective Progress and problems in the implementation of a mother tongue policy in education in Africa: the case of the Kirundization programme in Burundi M . YKadeghe Implications of instructional bilingualism in Tanzanian secondary schools LITERACY ISSUES Z . Groener Education policymaking in South Africa, Education for liberation: praxis challenges hegemony R . Darville Knowledges of adult literacy-"competitive" and democratic: Part 1, Adult Literacy Surveys A . Davies Measuring literacy: does benchmarking help? M . P . O'Cadiz Teaching and reading the world: A n experience in a Freirian curriculm reform in Sao Paulo P. Easton & Decentralization and local capacity building in the L. M . Moussa Sahel: Results of the PADLOS-education study J. Betts Future perspectives: assessing literacy and empowerment James K . , A . Jellema, Taking Freire into the next millenium: R E F L E C T R. Luis, C . Addington and local struggles in Uganda, Mozambique, & A . Maphosa South Africa and Zimbabwe K . G . Kingei The impact of Kenya's language policy on the adult literacy programme F. O . R e w Ambivalent adventure: indigenization of literacy programmes in Africa G . Bunyi The question of the medium of instruction and the development of literacy in post colonial Africa P . Plüddemann Teacher action research into language and literacy issues in Cape T o w n classrooms C . Shretha & The Nepal Literacy Program: an example of B . Garner governmental and ngo involvement in education M . Prinsloo & Everyday literacy practices and schooling in www.enthralaviation.com South Africa M . November The English for Educational Development Course: background and expansion C . Dyers Acknowledging and accommodating bi- and multilingualism in English for educational development at the University of the Western Cape C . George E E D : Languages, literacy and communication and Curriculum ? L . Williams Corpus English in South Africa LANGUAGE AND LITERACY IN EDUCATIONAL REFORM: COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES A . S. Moussa & Enseignement et démocratisation: comparaison des effets F. Tupin sociaux des politiques de deux systèmes éducatifs: Ile Maurice, Ile de la Réunion A . A d a m s Language planning in the European Union and the Republic of South Africa: Parallel cases? K . K . Prah The Post-colonial elite and African language policies A . Y . V a w d a Producing educational materials in local languages: preliminary findings on costs S. Perez Quelle planification pour quels droits linguistiques en Europe? O . O k o m b o Towards a strategy of changing attitudes to indigenous African languages F. Mangubhai The interface between teacher language competencies, teacher beliefs, curriculum and teaching approaches: some lessons to be learned from two studies, one from a developing country and the other from a developed country C . Bloch & Young children's literacy in multilingual classrooms: V . Edwards comparing developments in South Africa and the United Kingdom L . Nyati-Ramahobo Political dilemma in language planning in Africa PROGRAMME OF THE LANGUAGE, LANGUAGE POLICY AND LITERACY/ BASIC EDUCATION COMMISSION LIST OF PARTICIPANTSPreface The Language, Language Policy and Literacy/Basic Education Commission held in the 10 lh World Congress of Comparative Education in Cape T o w n July brought together the greatest geographical, professional and theoretical diversity in its history. Thanks to our hosts, the Southern African Comparative and History of Education Society, at the University of Cape T o w n and University of the Western Cape, the World Congress was able to meet for the first time on the African continent. The Commission brought together more participants from the region than ever before. In addition to geographic diversity, language and literacy issues were presented and discussed from a wide range of perspectives. The participants in the Commission ranged from government agents and researchers to staff members in non-governmental organizations to independent scholars in universities and community-based activists for the promotion of language and literacy rights. This collection of papers represents part of that wealth of discussion and diversity. More than fifty contributions are included in these proceedings. More than eighty presenters participated in the Commission directly and a m u c h larger number joined us informally for debate. A s co-organizers of the Commission, w e would like to thank all the participants for their contributions and our hosts for providing the opportunity to meet and discuss in such a hospitable setting. W e are also appreciative of the initial support of M r . Bill Ozanne (United Kingdom) and Dr. Joseph Lo Bianco (Australia) w h o were involved in the initial planning stages of the Commission. The U N E S C O Regional Office for Education in Africa, ( B R E D A ) , is pleased to provide these proceedings so that the larger concerned language and literacy community around the world can join our debate. Indeed, language and literacy issues provoke debate and constant questioning of policies and practices. Open debate and critical analysis are essential to the promotion of every child and adult's use of his or her languages in oral and written forms. At the same time, each paper represents an individual or organizational analysis. The views expressed in these proceedings are their authors' responsibility and in no w a y commit U N E S C O . W e are pleased to share our efforts with you. Leslie Limage, Pai Obanya, Lydia Nyati-RamahoboINTRODUCTION LANGUAGE AND LITERACY: INEXTRICABLY LINKED REALITIES, FRAGMENTED POLICIES Leslie J. L I M A G E ' The views expressed in this introduction are solely the author's responsibility and do not reflect those of any other individual or organization. This introduction to the Proceedings of the Language, Language Policy and Literacy Commission of the 10th World Congress of Comparative Education reviews the diversity of roles played by international organisations, bilateral and multilateral aid agencies, non-governmental organizations, national policy-making bodies, community- based programmes and scholarly research. Such a vast undertaking is obviously beyond the scope of an introduction. The papers included in the Commission Proceedings and the debate that took place during our sessions provide the actual fabric in which language and literacy issues are linked or artificially dissociated for political or practical purposes. S o m e specific examples are introduced here in their historic and political context. During the Commission sessions, participants presented experience, analysis and background in greater depth and from differing perspectives on our c o m m o n theme of language, language policy and literacy. Thus, this overview only suggests some of the thorny problems, frequently contradictory or discontinuous positions taken by the same or other agencies and impact on actual practice in both literacy transmitted by formal schooling and literacy transmitted through non formal programmes and activities. Firstly, however, it is important to signal that, in the framework of the Commission as a whole, literacy is understood as an ongoing process of a lifelong nature. W e are concerned with the acquisition of reading, writing and numeracy skills by all age groups and populations. This Commission does not share the frequently used dichotomy in agency parlance that "literacy" refers only to adults w h o are outside formal learning contexts while primary schooling or basic education refers to children. Literacy and basic education are used here as a continuum relevant to all age groups. Overlapping roles a n d histories: definitional issues Before looking directly at specific agencies and their changing views on literacy, it m a y be useful to look at the definitions of the kinds of institutions to which w e refer and which are represented in different ways in this Commission. Confusion over the nature ' T h e views expressed in this introduction are solely the author's responsibility and do not reflect those of any other individual or organization.2 Leslie Limage of institutions often leads to unrealistic expectations or disappointments concerning potential outcomes of agencies. At the same time, institutions in a similar organizational category are not necessarily similar in their working methods or goals. Simplistic beliefs, for example, that non-governmental bodies are closer to local interests and hence more democratic than distant centralized governments or international bodies, ignore the fact that particularistic non-govemmental or community bodies can be either democratic or authoritarian, particularistic or ecumenical. Thus, a brief review of the kinds of agencies concerned in some w a y with language and literacy follows. International organizations are usually intergovernmental bodies. Most of the specialized agencies of the United Nations, including U N E S C O (the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) are in this group. This intergovernmental character has a decisive impact on the action taken by such agencies. In fact, none of these agencies can take any sort of official position or action within a specific country or region without the full approval of governments. These bodies are not supranational and can only make resolutions and normative statements about what ought to be the case on a specific issue with the consensus of m e m b e r governments. Such a restriction has both advantages and disadvantages. The advantages are usually seen to include the idea that a government's commitment to a given policy is more likely to ensure successful implementation than a declaration m a d e by a body which is non-binding on the highest authorities in a country. The disadvantages are equally important. The fact that a government does not actually support a given policy — for example, the right to basic literacy and numeracy skills for all its inhabitants —means that intergovernmental agencies are fairly weak instruments to promote h u m a n rights that are controversial at national or even local level. In this Commission, w e are fortunate to have the participation of people w h o work or have worked in this context. S o m e of the organizations of the United Nations system are funding bodies, such as the United Nations Development Programme but very m a n y are not. U N E S C O sees itself as a facilitator of international cooperation and intellectual exchange but has limited resources. Also, the various funding bodies of the United Nations system have different means of gaining resources and distributing them. U N I C E F , the United Nations Children's Emergency Fund, was originally created to take emergency action to protect children in conflict situations or children at risk. It relies on voluntary donations from countries, funding bodies of all sorts, ranging from foundations to individuals. It has a very focused mandate and does not rely on the governmental approval and funding which apply to the other specialized United Nations agencies. Bilateral and multilateral aid agencies or donor agencies are a distinct category. This distinction is not obvious as well. Bilateral and multilateral aid agencies have as their first order of business to negotiate aid packages with developing countries and n o w , since the break-up of the socialist countries of Central and Eastern Europe, with countries described as states in transition. B y and large, the relationship between bilateral or multilateral donor/aid agencies and the recipient countries is a very unequal and complex one. Bilateral aid agencies, to give just a few examples, include for the United States: U S A I D ; for Sweden: S I D A ; for Canada, C I D A and I D R C , for France: the Agence pour la coopération culturelle et technique, for Norway: N O R A D . ALanguage and Literacy : Inextricably Linked Realities, Fragmented Policies 3 number of studies referred to in the references to this paper analyze the nature of this unequal relationship and its impact on development and democracy-building (Samoff, , Naudet, In this Commission, w e were fortunate to have participation from agencies in this category and a fuller contribution on a specific one, the World Bank, presented as a tribute to a departed comparativist and literacy advocate, Dr. T h o m a s O w e n Eisemon (), w h o had prepared a paper on the Bank's interest in adult literacy. Non-governmental organizations/bodies/agencies include a very wide range of institutions in terms of size, mandate, financing and capacity to take action in a given field. At the crudest level of definition, non-governmental organizations refer to most bodies, which are not direct governmental agencies. Nonetheless, m a n y of these bodies m a y rely almost entirely for their finance on government subsidies, contracts or contributions. Others m a y be purely financed by other sources. Religious-oriented N G O s m a y be funded by churches and religious institutions. Still other N G O s m a y be loose groupings of scholars, business people, youth organizations, community-based and funded w o m e n ' s groups. They m a y be narrowly focused or fairly broad-based. S o m e of the most independent and widely recognized ones achieve the status of reference on important global issues such as Amnesty International on human rights violations or Médecins sans frontières on human rights/ conflict issues as well. S o m e non-governmental bodies are cautious in terms of accepting funding from agencies or groups, which would seek to control their activities. Others exist solely to obtain contracts with larger funding bodies such as the bilateral aid agencies mentioned above and carry out the "aid" activities either alongside or in place of nationals of the developing countries intended as recipients. W e are fortunate in this Commission to have the participation of individuals either representing such N G O s or w h o presented papers that analyze their work in terms of our focus, literacy and language. National agencies, departments, ministries constitute another category of institution which m a y have as their primary function, to lead and guide literacy policy and practice at country-level. In the period of roughly the late s until the early s, m a n y industrialized countries set up national-level literacy agencies to focus public attention on the ongoing basic skill needs of children and adults w h o are not of immigrant origin. At the same time, m a n y developing countries have at one time or another set up national-level units, departments or ministries for basic education for children and adults as a response to internal demand and/or the outside influence of international organizations and aid agencies. The Commission included presenters whose papers appear in these proceedings by representatives of these bodies or independent scholars providing a critical analysis of their impact. Because of limited space, the overview focuses on specific examples in each category. The work of the Commission as a whole filled in gaps, provide very different analyses and provided the opportunity for discussion of all of these issues. A case study of an international organization: U N E S C O and literacy The primary international organization associated with literacy and language issues over the years has been U N E S C O (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural4 Leslie Limage Organization). This introduction must include reference to the major specialized agency of the United Nations for that reason alone. This thumbnail sketch is inevitably incomplete.. Indeed, U N E S C O ' s actual positions on literacy are aptly described by looking, as did Phillip Jones (), into the history of decision-making and management of U N E S C O . For the most part, he argues, approaches to literacy have depended more on the strength of alliances with greater external funding sources and political pressure than from a strong internal mandate. Wha t has this actually meant for literacy? This introduction reviews the phases of interest in literacy throughout U N E S C O ' s history: the rise and demise of specific approaches and their political/economic contexts. Secondly, it looks at the language used to discuss literacy issues and the confusion or mobilizing force of slogan and battle cry. Thirdly, it addresses some of the issues raised during International Literacy Year w h e n the Organization, for the first time made a concerted effort to raise literacy issues for all age groups in all countries (both developing and industrialized); reiterated public responsibility for ensuring equality of opportunity in education and attempted to develop critical partnerships with other social, partners: donor agencies, other U N bodies, non-governmental bodies, the media, business, the larger community and above all, learners of all ages. During International Literacy Year , a major donor-driven conference, the World Conference on Education for All, attempted to mobilize interest and commitment among that community to give greater attention to literacy/basic education. A major criticism m a d e of international organizations as well as aid agencies' efforts to promote language diversity and universal literacy is their fragmentation. With notable exceptions, the nature of bilateral and multilateral intervention in the form of "projects", "programmes" and "activities" aggravates this marginality with their built-in limited time frame. (A project lasts for a given period of time and regularly requires use of foreign expertise and equipment as well as agreement to follow donor priorities. A n d , in the case of large-scale projects, the funding m a y well be lending, adding a further element of precariousness to any long-term goals). A brief overview of U N E S C O ' s interest in literacy In its earliest stages during the late s and s, U N E S C O tried to formulate a major approach to apply to a world perceived as optimistic and ready for change. After initial debates about the specific needs for reconstruction in Europe, U N E S C O found its membership growing rapidly during those years, as newly independent countries joined. In a first phase, U N E S C O promoted the mass literacy campaign approach. Initially, as Harbans Bhola has called the phase, "business not as usual" was the main strategy proposed by U N E S C O for emulation in developing countries. (Bhola, ). Based on models of countries undergoing major socio-economic reform for which basic education was seen as a pre-requisite (Soviet Union, China, Viet N a m , Cuba, etc.), it was thought desirable and feasible to mobilize young and old to learn and to learn in order to change, develop and grow both as individuals and nations. The major characteristics of mass literacy campaigns were (and remain) large-scale participation in both teaching and learning. Economists of education of the time justified the mass campaigns also in financial terms. The production of teaching/learning materials in larger quantities wasLanguage and Literacy : inextricably Linked Realities, Fragmented Policies 5 seen as more cost-effective. ( B o w m a n et al, ) Newly decolonized or newly independent countries did not necessarily see participation of all citizens through reading/writing and numeracy skills as a priority. In fact, after a certain period of optimism, U N E S C O faced the reality that neither the political will nor the long-term resources would be available in developing countries to support firstly, mass literacy campaigns and then provide the formal and non formal learning/schooling settings necessary to maintain and build upon newly-acquired skills. Furthermore, most newly independent countries were not necessarily engaged in major social reform or wars of independence from colonizers or dictatorial regimes like the Soviet Union and China on the one hand, or Vietnam, Cuba, Nicaragua on the other hand. Above all, U N E S C O never had the resources or the authority to stand in the stead of national governments to finance or organize actual literacy provision on any significant scale. U N E S C O could encourage and advise governments to promote literacy. But its reflection and action have always been limited by its o w n mandate as an intergovernmental agency of the U N and its limited resources. It has never been a funding agency, nor seen itself as such. A s the optimistic period gave w a y to realism, the United Nations Development Programme offered funding for a n e w approach to literacy in direct contrast with the mass/democratic one. The Experimental World Literacy Programme ( E W L P ) was overtly intended as a selective and targeted approach experimented in eleven initial participating countries (Algeria, Ecuador, Ethiopia, Guinea, India, Iran, Madagascar, Mali, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, United Republic of Tanzania). Begun in the mid s and ended in most cases in the mids, the E W L P never promoted a "fully- literate world". Its goals and strategies were closely linked to the prevailing economic growth view of the world of the period. The idea behind the programme was the promotion of "functional literacy" for specific groups of adults in key growth sectors of the economy. The idea behind the programme was that developing countries could usefully follow in the path of the industrialized nations. There were necessary stages of development in capitalist societies. W h e n certain sectors of the economy reached what was called the "take-off stage, they were ready for special attention. If developing countries could not afford to educate all their adults, they should focus on those adults working in the productive sectors. Their literacy instruction would make them even belter workers. The net result of the programme in the participating countries was generally disappointing and frankly analyzed in a U N E S C O / U N D P report ( U N E S C O , ). O n e of the key ingredients of a successful literacy programme had been neglected, that of learner motivation. Workers in the sectors selected for the experimental programme could see no direct advantage to themselves in becoming more "functional" to their employers. Hence, the term functional literacy as used in such a context took on a specific ideological connotation. It was perceived as a method of creating a more efficient work force without concern for the needs and aspirations of individuals. So, for example, a literacy programme in a mining district of Brazil under the M O B R A L programme inspired by the E W L P model was perceived as irrelevant to the needs and aspirations of potential participants and at best, a gesture on the part of mining companies to appear more humane (in the larger Brazilian context of the military take-over of and the repression of the Freirean experimentation with6 Leslie Limage literacy for political and social liberation). (Limage, , Meister, , U N E S C O , ). After this second experience with an over-arching approach to literacy policy in developing countries, U N E S C O learned from its inability to identify a single strategy which would be applicable everywhere. In fact, without the U N D P funding for this experimental programme, it is very unlikely that U N E S C O could have mounted such an initiative, even on a smaller-scale. But for a lengthy period of time, and for the only period in U N E S C O ' s history, a significantly large corps of senior professionally competent staff was devoted to developing and evaluating programmes in literacy at the Organization's Paris Headquarters as well as in the participating countries. From the s onwards, the size and relevant qualifications of staff in the division of the Education Sector of U N E S C O devoted to primary education (children's basic skills) and adult literacy dwindled dramatically (Jones, ). M a n y factors have influenced the lower priority given to language and literacy, not the least of which has been decreasing resources and downsizing in terms of technical staff able to maintain state of the art knowledge and expertise. Furthermore, the absence of interest for literacy issues in industrialized countries within U N E S C O has been ascribed to a number of reasons, none of which on its o w n tells the whole story. O n the one hand, U N E S C O was seen as an agency which should devote its scarce resources to countries with the most severe difficulties in providing basic education for all children and adults, i.e. developing countries. O n the other hand, governments of M e m b e r States of industrialized countries or socialist states were frequently reluctant to admit that there might be young people and adults w h o had passed through their school systems without acquiring basic literacy and numeracy (Limage, , , ). Underachievement, wastage, grade repetition, dropout as forms of failure, not of the young person but rather of the system went largely unrecognized in public fora, especially intergovernmental organizations. A n d these countries were apparently reluctant to see these phenomena analyzed and discussed in the same context as that of developing countries. The U N E S C O Division of Statistics, previously, Office of Statistics, has regularly sent out questionnaires to governments of M e m b e r States on educational data, including literacy. Governments of industrialized countries consistently have reported negligible or no "illiteracy" (with the exception of a few countries of the Mediterranean Basin, such as Portugal). ( U N E S C O , ). Plan for the Eradication of Illiteracy by the Y e a r or D e c a d e for achieving basic education for all: rallying cry? Throughout U N E S C O ' s forty years of attention to literacy, the terminology and slogans surrounding that attention have taken on a life of their o w n . O n occasion, there are logical and sensible explanations w h y certain language has been employed and in other instances, a long translation process is necessary to disentangle rhetoric from concrete intention. Once again, this review is brief but a large body of critical discussion is available to look more closely at what is meant by "literacy" in various contexts and at various times. (Limage, ) - Firstly, and unfortunately, until International Literacy Year both within U N E S C O and to an enormous extent outside the Organization, a simplistic dichotomy prevailed. O n e is considered either "literate" or "illiterate", henceLanguage and Literacy : Inextricably Linked Realities, Fragmented Policies 7 the title of this section, the n a m e of U N E S C O ' s major plan of action to be implemented during the s (of which one hears very little in most recent U N E S C O documents). Part of the reason for this black and white approach to what is, in fact, a rather complex and much-debated topic, has been the need to provide some guidance to countries seeking to measure in some w a y their progress in "eliminating illiteracy". The Division of Statistics of U N E S C O developed the following definitions purely to assist countries in assessing that progress without fine-tuning any notion of what might be something less than an operational definition: U N E S C O provided the following guidelines to its m e m b e r states in the " U N E S C O Revised Recommendation Concerning the International Standardization of Educational Statistics: "The following definitions should be used for statistical purposes: (a) A person is literate w h o can with understanding both read and write a short simple statement on his everyday life. (b) A person is illiterate w h o cannot with understanding both read and write a short simple statement on his everyday life. (c) A person is functionally literate w h o can engage in all those activities in which literacy is required for effective functioning of his group and community and also for enabling him to continue to use reading, writing and calculation for his o w n and the community's development. (d) A person is functionally illiterate w h o cannot engage in all those activities in which literacy is required for effective functioning of his group and community and also for enabling him to continue to use reading, writing and calculation for his o w n and the community's development." Obviously, these definitions have been difficult to apply, especially w h e n taken out of the context in which they were created and used for purposes other than those originally intended. The guidelines were intended to be used in the collection of statistics either through a national census or through a standardized test. In m a n y countries, the guidelines have simply proven unusable. Countries such as Canada and the United States usually refer to grade-level or number of years of schooling as a reflection of literacy levels. M o r e sophisticated competency-based standardized testing has been developed in these countries for adult literacy in particular. Cost and controversy surrounding these latter measurement tools is beyond the scope of this paper. Suffice it to say here that other countries, particularly in the developing world, look to school enrolment indicators to give some idea of h o w m a n y people have been given the opportunity to learn to read and write. Each of these types of indicators has its shortcomings. W h e n literacy skills are measured by grade-level, it is usually assumed that a standardized test can be used to evaluate a reading level associated with a particular grade. However, these tests have been strongly criticized as arbitrary and8 Leslie Limage insufficient when they are the sole criterion for measuring attainment (Anderson et al. , O w e n , ). School-enrolment indicators also provide incomplete information. They do not adequately reflect h o w m a n y children repeat a year of schooling, h o w m a n y children dropout along the way , or anything about the quality or nature of the instruction they receive (Coombs ). Furthermore, there is an abundant historical and sociological literature which will challenge the assumption that formal schooling has as its first priority enabling young girls and boys www.enthralaviation.com autonomous readers and writers. (Graff, , Furet and Ozouf, , Limage, , ). A n d when one turns to the normative instruments regarding education as a basic human right, one needs to m a k e a leap of faith to be sure that the "human right" to education necessarily means basic skill acquisition. Both the Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination in Education ( U N E S C O being the repository of the latter normative instrument) refer to the right to education without making direct reference to literacy and numeracy. The normative instruments represent a consensus of acceptable agreement at a particular m o m e n t in time and thus, the ambiguity is almost inevitable. So, the content of education and w h o has access to which types of knowledge can remain hotly disputed across countries and within multilateral agencies. Indeed, literacy has never been seen as a neutral tool except when reduced to rote memorization. (Freire, , Galtung, , Graff, ) If that is problematic within an individual agency, it is even more problematic w h e n these normative instruments are to be used as points of reference within countries where individuals have little or no access to knowledge of their rights and h o w to obtain their protection (Cook, ). So, if the guarantors of human rights (governments, for example) are also the perpetrators of abuse, as is so very frequently the case around the world, there is an even greater danger that the central issue of this Commission — literacy as the power and capacity to read and write autonomously — m a y still be a controversial issue as well. O n e w a y to avoid addressing language and literacy as empowerment has been to treat literacy as a disease and a scourge of civilization. Hence, over a long period of time, literacy and illiteracy have been treated as opposites, black and white, one indicating a state of health and the other one of disease, ignorance, blindness and so forth. M a n y of the images around "illiteracy" have pointed to darkness, shame, humiliation and exclusion. At the same time, the benefits of "literacy" have been extended w a y beyond their capacity "to make a significant difference. Slogans about the "struggle against illiteracy" are intended as a battle cry and mobilizer. T o be fair and place this terminology in historic perspective, it is altogether probable that it originated in the campaign language so prevalent in m a n y countries and m a n y contexts when political leaders use rhetoric to startle. (Bhola, ). The battle language has never been the sole rhetoric of developing or socialist countries. It is used whenever it is seen to produce a desired effect, albeit with the weakest of substance and often to replace resourcing. But this language does create other problems. If one is planning to "eradicate" illiteracy, one is definitely thinking of a disease which has a quick fix, anLanguage and Literacy : Inextricably Linked Realities, Fragmented Policies 9 antidote. The reality about learning to read and write autonomously for all one's needs is a much more complex notion. T o return to the "functional literacy" terminology mentioned twice already, one opens up another dimension of potential misunderstanding. Initially, the term "functional" literacy was used to correspond to the type of literacy to be acquired during the Experimental World Literacy Programme. That literacy was to be "functional" in its orientation towards "work" rather than an individual's autonomy and development. The programmes led neither to greater worker productivity nor enhanced literacy skills ( U N E S C O , , Meister, ). The term "functional" literacy re-appeared with the definitions provided by the Division of Statistics in referring to a broader utilitarian mastery of the written word. (See definition cited earlier). It re-appeared most recently in the attempt to further distance literacy issues in developing countries from those of industrialized countries. In the late s and with the opening of discussion about literacy in industrialized countries in international fora (including International Literacy Year ), the term "functional" literate or "functional" illiterate was used to refer to individuals in industrialized countries w h o have gone through part or all of the formal system of education but failed to acquire sufficient basic skills to "function" in society" (Giere, ). In the same documents, simple "illiteracy" was applied to individuals from developing countries w h o had either had some or no schooling or access to basic literacy training. S o m e industrialized countries were also making their o w n distinctions with their o w n specific vocabulary to indicate that it was different (and perhaps less degrading) to lack sufficient basic skills if one was from an industrialized country than from a developing nation. In France, the term "illettrisme" was coined by A T D Quart M o n d e in the very early s and adopted by the French national agency to promote literacy for all age groups, the Groupe permanent interministériel de lutte contre l'illettrisme (Interministerial Group for the struggle against illiteracy/functional illiteracy) (Espérandieu et al, ). Until that period, "illiteracy" or "analphabétisme" was perceived as a problem of immigrants, especially from the Mediterranean Basin and Africa. Courses and training in "alphabétisation", actually French as a second language, were confined to those immigrant communities. Thus, a whole new area of university research and voluntary association activity was opened up with the discovery of a large population with limited basic skills. Across industrialized countries, the discovery of large populations with limited skills has been made with the onslaught of recession, unemployment (both of youth and older adults) and the re-discovery of poverty. While some countries have been ready to m a k e linkages between what had or had not been going on in schools and the existence of large numbers of adults with limited basic skills, most countries have not. This unwillingness to question either the role of formal schooling or its quality in m a n y European countries has, for the most part, appeared due to a reluctance to criticize public schools (Limage, , , ). S o m e attempt was made during International Literacy by U N E S C O ' s I L Y Secretariat to find a c o m m o n language and de-mystify some of misunderstandings that language and rhetoric appear to have exacerbated. Firstly, an attempt was m a d e to10 Leslie Limage provoke an open discussion about literacy issues in both developing and industrialized countries (Limage, ). A n attempt w a s m a d e to talk about literacy as a continuum of developing skills which could be enhanced throughout life. A n attempt was m a d e to abandon the language around disease, ignorance and inferiority. The specific U N E S C O notion of "relapse into illiteracy" was questioned. If young people had attended schools for a period of four years, U N E S C O had roughly assumed that they would be "literate" and that, for lack of usage or reading materials, would later "relapse into illiteracy". The I L Y Secretariat tried to introduce the notion that there w a s actually no such phenomenon as a "relapse into illiteracy", that the skills gained had been m u c h too fragile to be sustainable and were in no w a y the fault of the "victim". Indeed, "blaming the victim", has been far too often a means by which authorities in ministries of education have accounted for the failure of young people to achieve sustainable literacy and numeracy skills. (Barton and Hamilton, , Hunter and Harman , , Kintgen et al, , Kozol, , Limage, , , , Street, ). This line of argument becomes all the more critical w h e n applied to participation in what is euphemistically called the "world of work". Current basic skill debates in m a n y countries associate low basic literacy and numeracy with unemployability. It is a short step to assume that there will be jobs for those w h o achieve that basic level. (Darville, , Miller, , Garvey, ). At the same time, another strand of argument in a world n o w dominated by a market economy, that it is an individual's fault if he or she does not have the educational level required to successfully compete for the scarce formal employment available, whether with reference to industrialized countries, countries in transition (ex-socialist countries) or developing nations (with all forms of government). While social safety nets have been withdrawn in countries in transition and progressively in the United States and m a n y European countries, education as a competitive advantage has been touted as the major panacea International Literacy Y e a r a n d the W C E F A : definitions a n d g r o u n d w o r k B y definition, United Nations international years are intended to draw attention to matters of global interest and develop advocacy and sustained attention. But, they are always guided by a secretariat within an agency of the United Nations which is of a temporary nature and has a minimal budget to accomplish its task. U N E S C O ' s I L Y Secretariat was composed of three regular staff members of the Organization to promote the following goals: a) ensure a high-level national commitment to ensure a fully literate society; b) mobilize the United Nations family and other partners, the media, N G O s , communities, etc. c) provide advocacy for literacy issues around the world for all and ensure that U N E S C O ' s long-term commitment that education as a basic human right for all be respected. ( U N E S C O , ) In March of International Literacy Year, a major donor-driven conference, the World Conference on Education for All took place in Jomtien, Thailand, co-hosted by the World Bank, the United Nations Development Programme, U N I C E F and U N E S C O with considerable bilateral donor participation. The focus of this conference was notLanguage and Literacy : Inextricably Linked Realities, Fragmented Policies 11 literacy for all age groups as a basic human right as was ILY, rather it more broadly reflected the donor and agency community's preference for investment in primary education, either through extended lending mechanisms by the most powerful partner, the World Bank, or through more narrowly-targeted programmes and projects such as U N I C E F ' s with its focus on children and their mothers. Adult literacy held a relatively low profile. Another major trend readily perceivable in the follow-up to the W C E F A has been the higher profile of bilateral aid within the multilateral agencies and in direct aid transfers. And what now? Johan Galtung wrote: "What would happen if the whole world became literate? Answer: not so very much, for the world is by and large structured in such a way that it is capable of absorbing the impact. But if the whole world consisted of literate, autonomous, critical, constructive people, capable of translating ideas into action, individually or collectively—the world would change. " (Galtung, ) Would that goal be too politically sensitive for a multilateral intergovernmental United Nations agency? At this point in term, the reply is "yes". Another reformed and radically n e w notion of multilateralism or supranationalism would probably have to be invented to take on such a challenge. The papers presented in the Commission Proceedings all take up this challenge in one way or another. A case study of an aid agency and literacy: T h e W o r l d B a n k This section of the introduction is drawn from a paper prepared by Dr. Thomas O w n Eisemon, Senior Education Specialist at the World Bank and highly respected m e m b e r of the comparative education community. Dr. Eisemon, w h o passed away abruptly in April , was a sensitive and constant spokesperson for the involvement of the World Bank in literacy. Although the World Bank has, over many years of research and lending, given priority to primary education and other levels of formal schooling, the agenda has been changing. Dr. Eisemon has been part of that process and in his most recent capacity in India, was on the verge of assisting with a major literacy initiative in the country. H e wrote: "While expanding access to primary education continues to be the Bank's priority in education lending, a number of literacy projects have been supported in recent years. High rates of illiteracy persist in many countries. Alarmingly, the out—of—school population is growing in some of the poorest countries with the lowest school enrollment ratios, particularly in Africa. For this and related reasons, the Bank has renewed its commitment to reaching the educationally disadvantaged through non formal education. However, today's literacy projects are quite different from the kind the Bank previously supported. Today's projects support a wide range of literacy providers, not just government adult education agencies. Support is usually provided though a competitive social funding mechanism to encourage competition, experimentation and replication of best practices. Five general lessons can be drawn12 Leslie Limage from the Bank's and other donors, experience to increase the effectiveness of investments in adult education: 1) literacy instruction is often more successful when it is combined with teaching practical skills; 2) developing functional literacy often involves teaching basic scientific knowledge and sometimes a knowledge of a language other than the mother tongue; 3) while N G O s are often effective literacy providers, they usually require strengthening to become executing agencies for donor projects; 4) documenting effective practices requires systematic development of research and other kinds of technical capacity to serve the community of literacy providers; and, finally, 5) the impact of literacy programs can be improved with better targeting, especially to youths w h o have been denied the opportunity to complete their studies." (Eisemon et al, in Wagner, Street and Venezky, International Handbook of Literacy, forthcoming) Non-governmenta l organizations and literacy and language diversity The Commission proceedings contain a number of presentations by non-governmental organizations. They range from small-community-based programmes with a target group of indigenous language speakers to large organizations based in industrialized countries with activities and projects in many regions of the world. There is nothing homogenous about such a category. S o m e are highly democratic and open; others are fairly rigid and authoritarian in their approaches to language and literacy issues and the role of learners of all ages. The kinds of critiques of N G O S s which might be made by a major funding body such as the World Bank are also likely to be different than those made by another United Nations body such as U N I C E F or U N E S C O . The perspective of governments, community members or children or adults towards specific N G O s , would also be quite different. S o m e of the concerns held by the World Bank regarding the ambivalent role of non governmental organizations ( N G O s ) are analyzed in Commission papers such as the contribution by Easton and Moussa. Other radically different analyses of N G O s and literacy and language are presented in papers by Betts on R E F L E C T in a specific context, Garner for World Education in Africa and Asia, and Jellema et al. For R E F L E C T in Africa. Other mobilizing and awareness-raising community-based bodies are described for the efforts to preserve endangered languages and cultures. Crawhall's paper on the San and Khoe is a grassroots analysis of the very real stakes for these South African indigneous peoples. National literacy. Basic education and language agencies and policies Perhaps a majority of the papers presented in the Commission critique national policies and practices from within and without. S o m e papers take a national perspective on the distance between policy aims and practical realities and provide constructive suggestions for reducing distances. Papers by W e b b , de W e t and Niemann, and Heugh provide such contributions in the South African context. Case studies from the United States include the papers by Vega and Smitherman. Other African analyses are made by Ufomata for Nigeria, K a m w e n d o for Malawi, Muyebaa for Zambia, Rubanza and Kadeghe for Tanzania, Rwantabagu for Burundi, Kingei and Bunyi for Kenya. Other presenters look at national policies from the classroom perspective upwards and demonstrate that the inextricable language and literacy interdependence cannot be effectively dissociated as policy might insist. Papers by Pliiddemann, Desai, PrinslooLanguage and Literacy : Inextricably Linked Realities, Fragmented Policies 13 and Bloch provide such studies for South Africa. Cleghorn and Dube study the implications for maths instruction. Park, W a n g , Goldschmidt and Jamison look at implications for opportunity to learn for certain English as a second language populations in California. Frenette and Sayeed look at Canadian experience in minority. Smith looks more ethnographically at language loyalties in Canada among young people of Scottish heritage. international comparison A number of Commission papers go beyond case studies to demonstrate the lessons to be learned when policy and /or practice are analysed in international perspective. The paper by Si Moussa and Tupin looks at the means and outcomes of the education systems in Mauritius and La Réunion with striking results. O k o m b o , Nyati-Ramahobo, Owino , and Prah reflect across the African continent on policy dilemmas and popular attitudes to language uses and loyalties. Perez and A d a m s provide a European perspective. Cross-national classroom comparison is provided in papers by Mangubhai and Bloch and Edwards. Technology and literacy are the focus for L u m u in her analysis of the impact of computer-based learning for English as a second language students. V a w d a introduces cost considerations to bilingual and multilingual instruction in comparative perspective in two settings. Literacy and languages issues in industrialized countries In most industrialized countries, from the United States to France or Germany at the time, it was assumed that the only people with basic skill problems were immigrants for w h o m the language of the country was a second language. Most industrialized countries - and most countries in general - do not have a national level body to address literacy and numeracy issues. With varying degrees of success, bodies have been created in Australia, Canada, France, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, the United States and sub-national bodies in other European countries. Most of the former socialist countries and Japan are still reluctant to admit that their school systems do not necessarily ensure that young people become fully autonomous readers and writers. A number of developing countries around the world have attached non formal education departments to other ministries not necessarily the ministry of education. Very few countries have addressed literacy and language issues for all age groups in a single complex institution France being a particular exception. The role and effectiveness of national level bodies has never received rigorous scrutiny. While there is an abundant critical literature about the impact of international organizations and international aid, less is known about national literacy bodies other than their fragility in government institutions. Yet, a growing body of research in all these countries demonstrates basic skill needs across populations. National leadership, international cooperation and strategies for international comparison: the International Adult Literacy Surveys In the context of this Commission, one session was devoted to a specific initiative to help evaluate the effectiveness of all forms of literacy transmission in an international and comparative perspective. The Canadian international initiative, known as The International Adult Literacy Surveys or IALS , have been conducted thanks to the14 Leslie Limage leadership of Statistics Canada with the participation of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and national authorities and researchers in participating countries. The ambitious undertaking has grown from work done originally solely in Canada, to a first group of participating countries, then to an enlarged group. Other countries are joining the initiative. Their role and their potential are n o w open to debate. Presentations by Murray of Statistics Canada, Carey on the British experience and critiques by Davies and Darville provided food for thought during the Commission. Papers by Davies and Darville are included in the Commission proceedings. L a n g u a g e policies, language practices, language and literacy During the commission sessions, a variety of experience concerning language policies and practices and their interconnections with literacy policies and practices were discussed from very diverse perspectives. W e were fortunate to have a large number of participants to share their experience and research in Africa including our host country, South Africa. In fact, African participation in this Commission outweighed the participation of other regions. W e were very pleased that this was the case as the World Congress of Comparative Education met for the first time on the continent and has never had such a level of participation in the past. The overview for language in education and language policies in Africa in the context of our Commission Proceedings is provided by Dr. Pai Obanya, Director of U N E S C O ' s Principal Regional Office for Education in Africa and co-organizer of this Commission. His analysis applies well beyond Africa and provides a truly international overview. Thanks to his intellectual participation and mobilization of resources, the preparation of these Proceedings and the presence of many African colleagues have been made possible. His respect for intellectual autonomy and patient guidance of our efforts amidst m a n y other calls upon his time are greatly appreciated by the international comparative education community in all its diversity. REFERENCES Anderson, R . C . et al. () Becoming a Nation of Readers. The Report of the Commission on Reading^Naüoncá Academy of Reading, Champaign, Illinois. Center for the Study of Reading. Barton, David and Hamilton, Mary. (). Researching Literacy in Industiralised Countries: Trends and Prospects. U I E Report. U N E S C O Institute for Education, Hamburg. Bhola, Harbans. (). Campaigning for Literacy. U N E S C O , Paris. B o w m a n , Mary Jean et al. (). Readings in the Economics of Education. U N E S C O , Paris. Cook, Rebecca J. edit. (). Human Rights of Women. National and International Perspectives. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia. • C o o m b s , Phillip. (). The World Crisis in Education. The View from the Eighties. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Darville, Richard () "The Economic Push for Literacy: Expansive or Restrictive?" in City University of N e w York, The Literacy Assistance Center of N e w York,Language and Literacy : Inextricably Linked Realities, Fragmented Policies 15 U N E S C O . (). Conference Proceedings: Adult Literacy: An International Urban Perspective. United Nations Headquarters, August , N e w York. Eisemon, Thomas O w e n , Marble, Kari and Crawford, Michael, (forthcoming). "Investing in Adult Literacy. Lessons and Implications" in Wagner, D . Street, B . and Venezky, (edit.) Literacy: A n International Handbook. Garland. N e w York. Espérandieu, Véronique, Lion, Antoine, and Bénichou, Jean-Paul. (). Des illettrés en France, Paris, La documentation Française. Freire, Paulo. (). Pedagogy of Hope. Continuum Publishing Company, N e w York. Furet, François and Ozouf, Jacques. () . Lire et écrire, l'alphabétisation des français de Calvin à Jules Ferry. Les Editions de Minuit, Paris. Galtung, Johan. () in Bataille, Leon, A Turning Point for Literacy: Adult Education for Development., "Literacy, Education and Schoolingfor What?" Pergamon Press, United Kingdom. Garvey, John. () "Literacy and the Remaking of the Working Class" in City University of N e w York, Literacy Assistance Center, U N E S C O . Conference Proceedings: Adult Literacy: An International Urban Perspective. United Nations Headquarters, N e w York. Giere, Ursula. (). Functional Illiteracy in Industrialized Countries. An Analytical Bibliography. U N E S C O Institute for Education. Hamburg. Graff, Harvey. (). The Legacies of Literacy. Continuities and Contradictions in Western Culture and Society. Indiana University Press, Bloomington. Hunter, Carman St. John and Harman, David. ()/ Adult Illiteracy in the United States. A Report to the Ford Foundation. McGraw-Hill, N e w York. Kintgen, Eugene R . , Kroll, Barry M . and Rose, Mike, edit. (). Perspectives on Literacy. Southern Illinois University Press, Carbondale. Kozol, Jonathan. (). Illiterate America. Anchor Press//Doubleday, N e w York. Jones, Phillip W . (). International Policies for Third World Education: UNESCO, Literacy and Development. . Routledge, London. Limage, Leslie, (). Alphabétisation et culture. Etude comparéwww.enthralaviation.com d'études: Angleterre, Brésil, France et Viet-Nam. unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Paris V . Limage, Leslie (). "Illiteracy in Industrialized Countries. A Sociological Commentary" in Prospects, Vol. X , no. 2, Limage, Leslie . (). "Literacy Policy in Industrialized Countries" in Comparative Education Review, vol. 30, N o . 1, February, pages Limage, Leslie. (). Illiteracy in Industrialized Countries. On Myth and Misunderstanding, in Literacy Lessons. International Bureau of Education, Geneva, Limage, Leslie () "Literacy Strategies: A View from the International Literacy Year Secretariat of U N E S C O " in Welch, Anthony R and Freebody, Peter. Knowledge, Culture and Power. International Perspectives on Literacy as Policy and www.enthralaviation.com Press, London, pages Meister, Albert. (). Alphabétisation et développement. Le rôle de l'alphabétisation fonctionnelle dans le développement économique et la modernisation. Edition Anthropos, Paris Leslie Limage Naudet, David. (). "Adapting Agency Solutions to Country Problems: The Lessons of Twenty Years of Aid to the Sahel Region", working paper presented at the A D E A Biennial Meeting, Dakar, A D E A , Paris (unpublished). Miller, Louise () "At the Service of Human Rights Above All!" in The City University of N e w York, Literacy Assistance Center, U N E S C O . Conference Proceedings. Adult Literacy: An International Urban Perspective. United Nations Headquarters, N e w York. O w e n , D . (). None of the Above. Houghton Mifflin, Boston. Samoff, Joel. (). "Cooperation, But Limited Control and Little Ownership", working paper presented in the A D E A Biennial Meeting, Dakar, A D E A , Paris (unpublished). Street, Brian (). Literacy in Theory and Practice. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. U N E S C O . Regional Office for Education in Latin America and the Caribbean (). The Brazilian Experience of Adidt Literacy - MOBRAL. U N E S C O , Paris. (English, French, Spanish). U N E S C O . Office of Statistics. (). Compendiam of Statistics on Illiteracy, Edition, U N E S C O , Paris. U N E S C O . International Literacy Year Secretariat. (). ILY: A Year of Opportunity. UNESCO, Paris. (English, French, Spanish, Arabic, Russian, Chinese) U N E S C O . (). Limage, Leslie, (edit.) Language Policy and Literacy, (available in English and French). U N E S C O , Paris. U N E S C O / U N D P . (;. The Experimental World Literacy Programme: A Critical www.enthralaviation.com, www.enthralaviation.comEW Education, Equity and Transformation from the Perspectives of Language Education Pai OBANYA This paper examines the inter-relationship of 'Education', 'Equity' and 'Transformation' from the point of view of language teaching and learning, and with specific reference to the prevailing situation in Africa. The main message of the paper is that Education has a transformational, role to play in the life of the individual and of the entire society. It is also that language is a strong educational tool and that it can be used to promote both equity (i.e. opening up opportunities for self-development to all) and transformation (i.e. continuous self and societal improvement). After discussing the close interface of language, education, transformation and equity, the paper presents the not-too-satisfactory situation of Africa, and then goes on to suggest h o w this can be improved. The objective of the exercise to plead the cause of an equitable and transformative education in Africa (using indigenous languages as the pillar) in the global learning society of the 21st century. T h e L a n g u a g e - Education - Equity - Transformation Interface Language is perhaps the greatest mark of the attainment of civilisation by the human specie. Lower animals are believed to communicate by a variety of means (clicking of the wings, whistling, distress signs of different types, body movements, body-touch, etc.), but the h u m a n specie is the only animal that is known to use language for communication in the true sense of the term. The human specie has also developed forms of language other than the linguistic signals that are the concern of this paper: the language of music (as in the talking drums of Africa) of body movements (as in dance) of graphic art (as in the stone drawings of the Kalahari desert) and a variety of forms of sign language. The most distinctive feature of h u m a n language is its use as the instrument of thought. Highly developed thought processes (through the instrumentality of language) have led to complex human expressions in language itself (e.g. the invention of writing and its use for creative, expressive, and reportorial writing), of complex symbolic behaviour (as in logic, mathematics, informatics and art forms), of developments in various areas and forms of the pursuit of knowledge Pai Obanya Language has also enabled the human specie to advance its civilisation and to preserve its past. History whether written, oral, preserved in texts, cassettes, C - D R O M , or diskettes, can n o w be studied through a wide variety of retrievable archival materials. H u m a n beings are thus able to communicate across time, and have become better able to communicate across space. Using the same language, human beings can rely on available information and communication technologies to communicate in places as far apart as the north and the south poles. At yet another level, confronted with the multiplicity of languages in the world, a human being can leam the language (or even the languages) of other persons (or other communities) and be able to communicate easily, using 'second' and 'foreign' languages. Whole communities are k n o w n to have learnt the languages of others, through all forms of contact : trade, geographical contiguity, imposition through colonialisation or scientific/technical/cultural domination. Thus, modern life is characterised by the existence of a number of "world languages" (English, French, Portuguese, Arabic, Spanish, etc.) all of which are used for communication by millions of persons for w h o m these languages are not indigenous. Saying that h u m a n beings have learnt complex skills and developed complex thought and expression systems (and have even built communication bridges across space and time) is m u c h the same as saying that human beings have been educating through language. That language is the tool of education par excellence is no exaggeration. In all societies, the primary function of parents and families, is socialisation, and the major tool for this is language. In prompting the development of every child, the primary focus is on language development. In all national educational systems, mastery of the national language is a primary goal. Language, as a subject, occupies a prominent position on the school time-table. In most cases, a satisfactory performance in the national language is a condition for the award of diplomas. A s an object (or a tool subject), language is used for instruction in other areas of learning. Teaching and learning take the form of communication, mainly through language. This process starts in the early days of life, in the intimate contacts between mother and child. It goes on and on, as young children widen their social contact. W h y do all societies and school systems emphasise language development? First, because all fully developed persons should possess language : be able to understand oral and written signals and be able to express themselves through the same signals. Second, because socialisation implies interacting with others (thus integration into one's social milieu) and the bulk of social interaction is done through language. The possession of language is therefore a measure of a person's maturity: a measure of personal growth (as in the ability to use language for complex thought processes) and a measure of social growth (as in the ability to use language to interact meaningfully in society). Third, because language is a tool subject, the key that opens the door to the study of other disciplines (in school) and for mastering various realms of human activity (in the wider society).Education, Equity and Transformation from the perspectives of language education 19 Education has the dual goal of conservation and transformation, and most educational systems work towards achieving this dual goal. In practice there is usually a desire to conserve as m u c h as possible (of the nation's cultural heritage) and to build upon what has been conserved (through an "ouverture" to 'outside' or 'modern ' on 'emerging' influences). Most debates on the performance of educational system show evidence of this "attraction of opposites". There will always be resistance to change, as people are proud of their past. At the same time, there will always be proponents of "revolutionary changes". In all cases of successful educational reforms every effort is m a d e to strike a balance between these two strong positions. In principle, the educated person is usually a transformed person, in the sense that such a person would have developed all the faculties and would have opened up the mind to absorb new influences in an appropriate manner. A critical mass of transformed citizens will be needed to transform the entire society. For this critical mass to be created, there is the need to offer equal opportunities for education to all categories of persons. This is the case of equity in education. Inequities arise w h e n some social or geographical or gender groups are denied (a) access to self-development through education, and (b) exposure to specific types of learning opportunities (e.g. higher education, science and technology education, etc.). Equity in education thus demands that all forms and manners of discrimination and denial of opportunities be eliminated. In the African situation inequities (or discrimination) has several dimensions: gender, sociological, geographical, etc. The situation is further worsened by linguistic inequity - the denial of social prestige to the language of the majority of the population. Language is central to the entire notion of the cducation-equity-transformation interface. Without language (as the instrument par excellence for self development and socialisation and as a 'tool subject' in formal teaching and learning), education is hardly possible. Education, promoted equitably (through the instrumentality of language in all its manifestations) is a sine-qua-non for personal and societal transformation. Language, as part and parcel of cultural heritage, is used in the thought processes that lead to the inventions and creations that transform human lives and enrich the corpus of cultural heritage, while opening n e w vistas for the exploration of the h u m a n condition with a view to its continuous transformation. Africa's S a d Situation The language-education-equity-transformation interface just described represents what should be the ideal situation. In Africa, the situation is far from ideal, mainly because the wealth inherent in the continent's fascinating language situation has not been fully harnessed for the benefit of education. The situation has been further saddened by the inadequate provision of educational opportunities (given rise to appalling inequities, and leading to a slow or mal-transformation of both the individual citizen and the wider society) Pai Obanya Africa has a rich language repertoire, in the form of what was once described as a linguistic pyramid1. At the base of this pyramid lie some 1, - 1, distinct languages. S o m e of these have become community languages and lingua francas, the latter used by millions of speakers across national boundaries and often relatively 'technically developed' with a rich literatures and wide-spread use in a variety of social situations. O n top of these (at the apex of the pyramid are the 'official' languages, inherited from colonisation and other forms of contacts : English, French, Portuguese and Arabic. Figure I : Africa's Linguistic Pyramid APEX Official languages English, French, MIDDLE Lingua Francas : Kiswahili, Fulfiibé, BASE Over a thousand distinct languages There are two main dimensions in which the linguistic m a p of Africa is a pyramid. The social dimension is one in» which the languages at the apex of the pyramid have a higher status than those at the base. Since the official languages are the ones used for education, business and government affairs, and since mastery of these languages is closely related to educational attainment and occupational/social status, they tend to confer great advantages to the class of society which has acquired them and are competent in using them. In some cases, the level of formal education (and the type of school attended) tend to correlate with the degree of approximation to the RP-variety of English or to the Parisian variety of French. A n African's approximation of the native accent (especially in the case of English) does not however confer social respectability2. The demographic dimension of the pyramid is one in which the large majority of Africans use the languages at the base, with a smaller group using the area languages and a relatively small elite using the official languages. Inequity is seen very m u c h in evidence here, as the tiny minority of users of the official languages enjoy all the privileges which education can offer, including the opportunities for self transformation through access to information, knowledge, culture and an "ouverture" to developments in today's virtual world of www.enthralaviation.comion, Equity and Transformation from the perspectives of language education 21 The inequity is better illustrated by the fact that the apex-level, official languages enjoy a prestige that has nothing to do with their demographic, socio-linguistic and psycho- linguistic importance in African societies. Thus, millions of Africans w h o have not been to school are proficient only in their mother tongues. The level of proficiency is such that these "uneducated" persons are the creators of music, dance, theater and a fantastic wealth of oral traditions that have sustained African societies for generations. They are the one w h o can distinguish twenty species of yams, w h o can tell the fertility of the soil by simply smelling it, w h o can process roots, herbs, leaves and tubers into food and medicine. They are also the ones w h o constitute the library for folklores and m u c h of the history of the people. They are the ones to w h o modern scholars (musicologists, anthropologists, linguistics, historians, etc.) turn for data to enlighten their "scholarly" works. At another level of the base of the linguistic pyramid, there are persons w h o have been through literacy classes and can read and write in their native languages. Since the native languages are not used in official situations, the functionality of their literacy skills remains severely limited. This situation has created the phenomenon of de-motivation a m o n g the beneficiaries of literacy programmes. It has also not helped the cause of mass literacy campaigns in Africa. A solution will be to accept the strong pull of the official languages, and organise literacy programmes at two levels - the foundation level entirely in the mother tongue and a systematic introduction to the official language thereafter3. At yet another level is the large number of drops-outs from the school system, persons w h o leave school too soon to become proficient in the official languages. Such persons have usually not been fully acculturated in the. native languages and so have become a class of linguistic half-and-half, mastering neither the mother tongues nor the official languages fully. There is a third level - somewhere between the base and the apex - of persons w h o have had contacts through travel, trade, inter-marriage, etc. and have become proficient in two or three languages. It is often said that the African is naturally bilingual and that learning languages comes naturally to the African. There is nothing genetic about this. It could bë that the multilingual nature of most African societies makes bilingualism, (at the level of the individual), a matter of course, even of necessity. In demographic terms, therefore, Africans w h o have a mastery of the official languages are a minority. But the major issue here is the extent to which these official languages are even used in the daily lives of the African elite class. Most "educated" Africans will fit into the pattern of language use, illustrated in box I below, where L 1 = the first language and L 2 = the official language. W h a t box I illustrates is that even the elite class African, that tiny but dominant minority class of persons w h o enjoy all the benefits that the mastery of the official languages confer, (in their daily lives) operate in first language situations most of the time Pai Obanya Yet, the practice in the formal education system tends to ignore this socio-linguistic reality. Language education policy pronouncements in Africa all stress the need to educate in national languages, because it makes pedagogical sense to lay the foundations of education in the mother tongue, the language of affective communication, the one in which the child first constructs reality. W h a t happens in practice is however very m u c h different from the official statements of intent. B O X T : Patterns of L a n g u a g e Use by Elite Class Africans A - Communications within the family • discussions of an intimate nature L 1 (with spouse, relations, children) • reading and writing L 2 • discussing the subject matter of what is read or written L 1 • helping children with L 2 school work • giving guidance / instructions L ' B - Interpersonal communication (outside the home) • phatic communion L 1 (as in greetings) • interactions in the shop / market place L ' • interactions within the extended family, L 1 close friends and neighbours • resolution of communal conflicts L 1 • negotiations of all types (marriage, trade, etc.O n e characteristic of the countries in group (b) above is that (with the exception of Tanzania) they are all monolingual. This is a factor that makes for the social acceptability of education in the mother tongue. For countries in group (c), three major factors have help to explain the prevailing situation. First, some of the countries (Lesotho, Botswana) are monolingual. Second, most of them have a good number of community languages, spoken by large numbers of people, as in the major languages of Nigeria. Third, all of them have continued with a colonial and Christian missionary practice that encouraged teaching in the mother tongue in the early years of education. A few of the countries have been victims of inconsistency in policies, oftentimes the result of frequent changes in political regimes. Thus, Guinea had to abandon the bold language policies of the Sekou Touré era (for one of ever-lasting experimentation) as soon that regime was overthrown. In most cases, the problem has been lack of the political will to go from policy into action, to m o v e from the phase of experimentation to that of generalisation. There is in addition the problem of societal attitudes, manifested by two distinct groups of Africans. The ordinary people cannot see the use of basic education and literacy in the mother tongue if government activities are carried out in European languages, if election campaigns and other forms of social mobilisation are in the L 1 , but the formal/official reports on them are in the L 2 , w h e n it is the users of the L 2 w h o are considered educated and w h o have all the privileges. O n the other end of the social spectrum is the elite class some of w h o m are the educational policy makers but w h o educate their children in private schools, which give a headstart in the mastery of the official language, and most of w h o m speak to their children (at h o m e ) in these official languages, again to improve their chances of mastering these languages for the economic advantages and social privileges they confer Pai Obanya The impact of the socio-linguistic attitudes and the policy-practice dichotomy just described on the situation in the schools can be summarised in the following manner : • L 1 curriculum development has not benefited from the wealth of societal resources needed for its enrichment. Materials are still seen mainly as books. The books themselves are scarce and appropriate, as they are patterned after those used in teaching the official languages, even when these are themselves k n o w n to be out-moded. • Teaching-learning activities are predominantly in the form of story-reading, recitation, and composition, to the neglect of cultural activities. • African languages are seen as a soft option, where they are taught beyond the first few years of basic education. Even then, success rates in examinations remain low. • In most cases where official languages are supposed to be used for instruction, teachers still resort to the use of the mother tongue for in-depth explanation acts in the course of each lesson. Our o w n research in Nigeria shows that the introductory and final phases of lessons are conducted in English (and often in monologues and monosyllables) while the development phase (where some real communication takes place), is often carried on in the mother tongue5. • Even though the official languages are given curricular prominence: a great deal of time on the school programme, intensive exercises, etc., performance in the languages is often low. This is mainly because these languages are not usually those of the h o m e and the immediate environment and because teachers themselves have not often mastered the languages adequately. • Since the official languages are the major tool subjects for studying in other disciplines, performance in school-leaving examinations is often woeful, mainly because students have a poor mastery of the official languages. In summary, then, a large majority of Africans is denied education, not just because of inadequate provision of opportunities, but mainly because they have to learn in a language they have not mastered. Moreover, since indigenous languages are the vehicles for indigenous culture (and these are not deeply anchored in the educational system) education in Africa has not often played its role of enculturation adequately. Since there is no education (i.e. self-development) there can be very little of transformation. Since there is a situation of gross inequity (with the majority of the population denied the opportunity for self-development), it has not been possible to create that critical mass of educated persons needed to transform African societies and prepare them for the global world of the 21s l century. While there are certainly other causes for Africa's behind-the-line position in socio-economic development, Education (or lack of it, or its inadequacies) is probably a major factor. A n d the language issue is a major factor in explaining the failings of education in www.enthralaviation.comion, Equity and Transformation from the perspectives of language education 25 A Possible W a y O u t It would be necessary to work towards reversing the current trends, to genuinely work towards developing African national languages for use in Education, to ensure their continuous development for adaptation to the scientifico-technical requirements of a rapidly changing society, thereby improving their social prestige. O n e sure w a y of doing this will be launch a serious attack on the popular fallacies which have made it impossible for most African states to go head-long from their statements of intent to serious promotions of African languages in society and in education. These fallacies have become popular because they have been widely orchestrated by persons w h o should know: researchers, teachers, donor agencies, highly-placed Africans, and even policy-makers. In box II below w e have attempted to confront each of the fallacies with appropriate scientific evidence. What the scientific evidence presented in box II suggests is that Africa has the instruments needed to confront every obstacle in the way of promotion education in indigenous languages. A very important point here is that the fallacies are ventilated by persons w h o themselves have had the benefit of going through the squeezing-out process of the prevailing highly inequitable educational system of Africa. „If therefore there is any campaign to be undertaken, it should be aimed at the African elite class. The message should be that the denial of educational opportunities to the majority of the people does not augur well for the development and transformation of society. The inequity here is not simply suffered by individuals, but by whole communities and by languages which are threatened with extinction for lack of opportunity for continuous development. B O X II : Popular Fallacies on African Languages in Education Fallacy i. There are too m a n y languages, and so the choice of the languages to use in education is impossible. ii. Large cities pose a peculiar problem, since there will be m a n y competing languages. Scientific Evidence i. The choice is perhaps difficult but it is not impossible, as the demographic and socio- Iinguistic strengths of the various languages can be determined, with so degree of accuracy. This has been done in a number of places to determine 'zonal' languages as in C o n g o (Kinshasa), Zambia and Sekou Touré's Guinea, Senegal and Togo. ii. In most of the cities of Africa there is a dominant language, used in the work place, in the markets, in the play field, and even for Christian religious worship (e.g. wolof in Dakar, sosou in Conakry, kiswahili in Nairobi and M o m b a s a ) . Such a language is normally learnt informally by all citizens. School- learning is therefore possible26 Pai Ohanya iii. There is a large number of African languages without a written form, and this makes their use in education impossible. iv. The cost of training teachers and developing materials in a multiplicity of mother tongues will be prohibitive, especially in a situation of poor government funding for education v. A n over-emphasis on learning in the mother tongue will be detrimental to student mastery of the official languages, which are the tools for international communication. vi. African languages do not have the technical and scientific terms needed to understand today's complex world. It will therefore be a handicap to learners to concentrate heavily on the mother tongue iii. Mother tongue learning need not start with reading and writing, as the natural sequence for language learning is speech before reading and writing. Moreover, the scientific capacity for the development of orthographies is readily available in Africa, by drawing from the work already done on larger languages, and the pioneering work of missionaries and the S u m m e r Institute of Linguists. There are even cases of " c o m m o n orthographies" (applicable to several closely related languages) developed by African linguists for highly bilingual societies, like in Cameroon 0 . iv. Materials are not necessarily books, as there are societal resources (artefacts, drama, music/dance, festivals, etc.) which are more effective materials than books. Teachers will need to be trained in creativity, to be able to exploit societal materials. Moreover, the emphasis should be on investing (i.e. long term) in education and not on simply spending. The over-emphasis on mere 'spending' does not give due emphasis at the long-term nature of educational outcomes. v. A solid foundation in the mother tongue could in fact facilitate the learning of Africa's official languages, since solid bilingualism does aid further language learning. Furthermore, the psycho-educational benefits of initial learning in the mother tongue cannot be matched by the patchwork approach which makes the learner a master of no language at all. vi. All h u m a n languages are capable of coping with their immediate realities and can expand their repertoire to cope with n e w experiences. African languages have proved that this is possible, as they have done over the years through coinages, adaptations, etc. Conclusion This paper sought to show that the Education-Equity-Transformation interface is real. Language is central to the development of an equitable education programme, that which leads to self-fulfilment and societal transformation. Africa's language-in-education situation is a sad one, in that educational practices have not reflected the socio-linguistic realities of the continent. There is the need to reverse the current trends by seeing the education dilemma of Africa as principally a language problem,Education, Equity and Transformation from the perspectives of language education 27 by using the continent's linguistic diversity as a source of strength, instead of seeing it as a weakness. For this to happen, the popular fallacies and the imaginary impediments to the promotion of African languages in education have to be confronted with scientific evidence which seem to indicate that these are no impediments at all. Africa has to see the promotion of indigenous languages as an essential part of overall national development programmes and more particularly as an essential ingredient in promoting Education for All. It will therefore be necessary to go into action, polish up the policy documents. It is also necessary to reactivate all committees and working groups, and get the real users of African languages involved in curriculum and material development, get the experiments to enlarge the scope of their activities, build action-research into existing African language education programmes, and let us all learn to do by really doing. Africa is dealing with nations which have developed their national languages and have used these at all levels of education (e.g. Japan, Corea, Vietnam). These nations have been able to develop socio-economically, through the instrumentality of developed national educational systems (involving making education accessible to all). They have also built in the "languages of wider communication" (the major world languages) into their educational systems. They have therefore become better able first to communicate within themselves, and only then with a wider world. They have thus built transformation on a solid gain of conservation. The first line of action is for African countries to develop programmes of step-wise bilingual education, which should emphasize: • building a solid foundation, entirely in the L 1 , at the basic education level; • a step-by-step introduction of the official language early in the education cycle (since young children tend to acquire bilingual habits easily), • a gradual increase in the attention given to the official language, to accord with a process of progressively improved proficiency in the mother tongue, including gradually enlarging on the scope of classroom and out-of-class activities to be carried out in the official language; • maintaining instruction in some academic areas (e.g. the mother tongue, cultural and practical subjects) in the L ' , even up to the end of secondary education. This will be one w a y of ensuring that both the mother tongue and the official language are mastered to the extent to which each of them can be used appropriately, in á variety of academic and social situations. The second line of action is to promote inter-African cooperation in the development of indigenous languages for use in education and social life. This should be feasible as Africa has a good number of shared languages (see box III). Expertise can be shared across national boundaries, using the mechanisms of existing sub-regional institutions Pai Obanya Regional integration is a goal which Africa has set itself (as enunciated in the Abuja Treaty of the Organisation of African Unity - O A U ) . Education is an instrument for attaining African regional integration, as attested by the work of existing educational cooperation arrangements, like the West African Examinations Council, the S A D C protocol on cooperation in education, etc. African indigenous languages can be a key instrument for fostering regional cooperation, especially as they transcend the colonially-imposed anglophone-francophone-lusophone divide. For Africa to avoid being the ghetto of tomorrow's world, serious efforts in the directions outlined in his paper will be necessary. Africa's languages are the spirit of the continent's personality. This personality needs preservation, development, and evolution, as a foundation for Africa's "ouverture" to the global world of our www.enthralaviation.comion, Equity and Transformation from the perspectives of language education 29 B O X HI : Africa's Shared Languages* Language 1. Crioulo 2. Dyula 3. Ewe 4. Fang 5. Fulfube 6. Hausa 7. Kanuri 8. Kikongo 9. Kiswahili Lingala Luo Mandinka Shona Songhay Wolof Yoruba Countries covered Cape Verde Equatorial Guinea Guinea Bissau Sao T o m e c Principe Burkina Faso Côtcd'Ivoirc Ghana Togo Cameroon Gabon Equatorial Guinea Congo Mauritania Ghana Senegal Togo Gambia Benin Guinea Bissau Niger Guinea Nigeria Mali Cameroon Sierra Leone Burkina Faso Niger Nigeria Chad Benin Cameroon Ghana Sudan Niger Nigeria Chad Cameroon Congo (Kinshasa) Congo (Brazzaville)- Angola Sudan Burundi Somalia Congo (Kinshasa) Uganda Tanzania Kenya Malawi Rwanda Mozambique Congo (Brazzaville) Congo (Kinshasa) Uganda Kenya Tanzania Senegal Mali Gambia Sierra Leone Guinea Bissau Liberia Guinea Côtcd'Ivoirc Mozambique Zimbabwe Mali Niger . Benin Nigeria Mauritania Senegal Gambia Nigeria Benin Togo Estimated N o . of Speakers () , 2 million million , 11 million 34 million 2 million 8 million 38 million 8,5 million 4 million million 7 million million 3 million 12 million * Source : U N E S C O / B R E D A : African Community Language and their use in Literacy and Education (Dakar )30 Pai Obanvci REFERENCES F A F U N N A A . B . (), "Using African Languages in Education: A Challenge to Educators" in U N E S C O - U N I C E F , African Thoughts on the Prospects of Education for All, U N E S C O / B R E D A (), O B A N Y A Pai, Ayo Dada Tunde Oderinde () " A n Empirical Study of the Acceptability of Four Accents of Spoken English in Nigeria" in E. Ubahakwe (ed.) Varieties and Functions of English in Nigeria, Ibadan, African Universities Press (), O B A N Y A Pai (): "Nigerian Teachers' Views on the Functions of English as a Language of Verbal Interaction in the Upper Primary School" in E. Ubahakwe (ed.) Varieties and Functions of English in Nigeria, Ibadan, African Universities Press (), O B A N Y A Pai (), " U n aperçu sur la place des langues dans les programmes d'alphabétisation et d'éducation de base en Afrique" in A . Ouane (ed.) Vers une culture multilingue de l'Education, U N E S C O / B I E ( ), T A D A D J E U Maurice (Professor of Linguistics, University of Yaounde) - Oral communication. U N E S C O / B R E D A (), African Community Languages and their use in Literacy and Education ( U N E S C O - Dakar), , 94ppLANGUAGE ISSUESChapter 1 LANGUAGE MINORITY RIGHTS OR THE END OF BILINGUAL EDUCATION IN CALIFORNIA? A POLICY DEBATE ON CALIFORNIA INITIATIVE, PROPOSITION Jennifer Blythe V E G A Introduction The current language policy discussion and debate in California is centered around an initiative that California voters decided upon in the June elections. Proposition , written by a multimillionaire software developer and a first grade teacher, both political candidates, is designed to eliminate bilingual education in all schools, at all levels and in all programs in California. This proposition not only seeks to eliminate proven successful programs but will make speaking a language other than English in the classroom a violation of the law. There are at least languages spoken in Los Angeles Unified School district alone, creating an incredible opportunity for all students to be exposed to and educated in a language other than their native tongue. In a country that requires students to learn a second language in order graduate from secondary school or to enter into the university, it seems a grave tragedy to throw these opportunities aside. In , the U S Congress passed the Bilingual Education Act, which gave credit to the rich tradition of language and diversity in this country and supported the premise of democracy and equal opportunity for all. However, the debate over "English Only" has raged on since the 18"' century and m a y n o w be the n e w policy in California in This paper will examine the history and policies of bilingual education in the United States, while presenting successful programs and case stories. Both sides of the current debate over Proposition will be presented with suggestions for improving the current status of bilingual education in California. A n overview of research supporting bilingual education will also contribute to the authors' view of the current proposition in California. History of Bilingual Education Policy in the U S Historically, the United States has been a place of linguistic and ethnic diversity duplicated in few other countries. Since early in American history people have resided side by side34 Jennifer Mythe l'e^ct African speaking German , French, Italian, Russian. Polish and English. "The Continental Congress printed a number of documents, including the Articles of Confederation in German and English. A n Pennsylvania law required school instruction in both German and English. In , German-speaking, French-speaking, and Spanish-speaking parents in Ohio, Louisiana, and N e w Mexico used bilingual education. A n d California, which was officially bilingual for 30 years, printed its first state constitutional proceedings in both Spanish and English" (National Education Association-NEA, ). However, since early history, language has also been an area of discriminative practice and restrictions. Bilingual education has been a part of the education system since the turn of the century when according to the N E A () bilingual English courses were taught along with German, Norwegian, Italian, Czech, Dutch and Polish. "During the colonial period, again in the s with the first wave of large-scale European immigration, and during the great wave of European immigration from roughly to , movements to restrict the public use of non-English languages led to the passage of English- only laws in education, voting, and the judicial system. The period immediately prior to, and during U S participation in World W a r I, saw heightened anti-German hysteria, an assault on German organizations and publications, and an aversion to foreign cultures and ideas, generally. A similar phenomenon occurred during World W a r II, especially with regard to Japanese and German Americans" (Riccnto, ). Language restriction laws date back through the 's when the Jim Crow laws even restricted African Americans from voting without English literacy. Prior to this in the 's Chinese immigrants suffered loss of rights due to the inability to meet English literacy requirements (Riccnto, ). Other language legislation has been the result of turmoil and fear due to war. For example, as a result of W W I m a n y stales "barred" the teaching of German in schools and Nebraska passed the first law making English the stale's official language ( N E A , ). In Meyers vs. Nebraska () the court found that a person's language did not exempt him or her from their respective Constitutional rights, reversing the prior legislation. Lau vs. Nichols () reversed the bilingual education restrictions, finding that it did not allow students equal education opportunities. The Bilingual Education Act was passed by Congress in S, recognizing the need for equal educational opportunities for all children regardless of their native tongue. Again, legislation has been an essential way to ensure equal rights for all citizens of lhe United States. However, the congressional amendment changes the goal to be English competent through transitional programs (Draper & Jimenez, ). With at least IS stales employing Official English/English Only laws since when an official English bill was first introduced to Congress, the need for equality through the courts has remained. According to N E A () lhe organizations introducing English First and U . S . English arc both part of larger entities supporting anti-immigration policy. Califomians have long faced the debate over English Only laws. A s mentioned, dating back to the California Constitution (1S49), legislation was provided in both Spanish and English. In the s, with migration due to the gold rush, Spanish speakers became a minority andLanguage minority rights or the end of bilingual education in California 35 legislation was passed limiting Spanish-English classes and requiring English for land hearings. B y the s the California Constitutional laws were repealed, calling for English only within the State government (Crawford, ). Californians have since passed several initiatives including Proposition 63 () which declared English as California's official language and Proposition () eliminating social services to undocumented immigrants (Ricento, ). Again, in Californians go to the voting ballot to determine whether students will continue to receive the benefits of bilingual education. N u m b e r s of Students Affected With over languages spoken in Los Angeles Unified School District alone, the impact of bilingual education policy and legislation is quite far reaching. According to Crawford (b), "the census counted million youths, aged , w h o speak languages other than English at h o m e . " This same census found that "more than languages are n o w used at h o m e by U . S . residents, including at least Native American languages". Crawford continues to describe from the census the relative numbers of U . S . households totaling 14 million (16% of the total households) where a language other than English is spoken. California has the highest number of Limited English Proficient (LEP) students enrolled and Los Angeles is one of five counties where students speak at least one of languages. A s immigration continues to grow in California, so does the number of students qualified for L E P programs and the number of residents w h o are classified as having difficulty speaking English. D u e to the large number of students in the California school districts qualified for bilingual services, m a n y are not receiving assistance and of those that do, m a n y are not receiving effective services due to teacher shortages. According to the " N o on " () campaign, "only 6% of all kids in school are currently in a bilingual education program—about 3 0 % of all the limited English speaking kids. So, it's pretty misleading to try to draw conclusions about the current education of all non-native English speakers". Newest policy—analysis of Proposition Proposition was written by R o n U n z , a multi-millionaire software tycoon and formal gubernatorial candidate and Gloria Matta Tuchman, a teacher and supporter of U . S . English. The initiative was filed and received enough signatures to be placed on the California voting ballot for June Self-titled the " U n z initiative" the Proposition has become a leading battle zone for California voters. " U n z advances four basic claims: 1. that immigrant children are failing to learn English in California because of bilingual education; 2. that English-only immersion programs - which provide m a x i m u m exposure to the second language - are more effective in teaching English; 3. that immigrant parents want their children schooled in English-only - not bilingual - classrooms; and 4. that bilingual education exists in California mainly to perpetuate a self-serving bureaucracy at enormous cost to the taxpayers" (Crawford, a) Jennifer Mythe Vega African In Article one of the Proposition (Attachment I) the authors of this article declare that (a) English is the mainstay for the U . S . in areas of science and technology, etc. However, the authors'do not recognize that to be truly competitive in a global marketplace and economy, a monolingual country will find itself lacking in essential linguistic resources to communicate. The authors do not sec the importance of a diverse and bilingual society and the benefits to the society. "Children's opportunities for excelling in science, technology, government, or domestic and international business depend not only on these keystone language skills hut also on mastering such subjects as math, science, history, and civics, Bilingual education and the other English language development techniques eliminated by the initiative, are designed to teach children English while ensuring that they are not deprived of the opportunity to learn other essential academic skills " (¡V1ALDEF, ). According to Richard Riley, U . S . Secretary of Education (), "American educators need to redouble their efforts to m a k e sure that all of our children are fluent in two languages." H e points out h o w m a n y other countries begin leaching children two languages at the beginning stages of school and the shortcomings U . S . students receive without this advantage. Further, the advantages that the U . S . receives from having a population with bilingual capabilities on economic, cultural and political fronts. The authors of Proposition also state that it is the government's responsibility to provide literacy in the English language to all school children. Anyone would agree with the importance of literacy for all people, regardless of native language. But should that be at the expense of a child not learning other subjects such as math or science? A s M A L D E F () states, the right to an education is more that just a right to learn English, it is to ensure their future success in all areas of learning. U n z and T u c h m a n also find thai the public schools arc doing a poor job of educating immigrant children and wasting money on costly programs. Most will agree that some of the current bilingual education programs have not proven successful, but this is due to lack of resources including teachers and funding. "Bilingual education has a proven record of success in California - where it's available and where it's supported by school districts. Unfortunately, bilingual teachers remain in such short supply that bilingual classrooms were provided for only 30 percent of eligible children last year. Dropout and illiteracy rates, while still too high, have declined substantially since bilingual programs were introduced in the late s" (Crawford, b). The current proposition restricts not only bilingual education but also any effective and innovative bilingual education programs. Further, research has found that the sheltered immersion approach suggested by the authors is the least effective w a y to educate second language learners. The use of this approach was designed as a step in English language learning for intermediate learners w h o would soon transition to English classes which takes at least three years ( M A L D E F , ,). "Bilingual education is not an "experimental" language program. Bilingual education programs have two main goals: (I) the rapidLanguage minority rights or the end of bilingual education in California 37 development of English language proficiency; and (2) the simultaneous development of academic skills. The success of well-funded and properly implemented bilingual education programs is documented by reputable research. This research shows that primary language instruction does not impede acquisition of English. In fact, students with a strong academic background in their first language are more likely to develop high levels of English proficiency than those who do not have such advantage " ( M A L D E F , ). It is also important as M A L D E F () discusses, that unlike the understanding of the authors of , California only collects data on dropouts by ethnicity, not by language. Again, the actual number of students receiving bilingual education w h o need it is very low with only 3 0 % of those receiving native language instruction in the classroom. The ability for young children to "easily acquire full fluency in a n e w language" through early exposure is, perhaps, as Crawford (b) claims, "the most pervasive myth about second-language learning. Wha t appears so "obvious" to laypersons is unsupported by science. Children do tend to "pick up" oral communication skills at a young age, often without the anxiety and self-consciousness that impedes adult learners. But research on bilingualism has repeatedly shown that it takes them considerably longer - typically 5 to 7 years - to acquire the complex, decontextualized academic language needed for success in the classroom." Again, children also need to be receiving instruction in other subjects such as math and science at this early age in order to remain successful and on target with their counterparts. Although teaching English as rapidly as possible m a y be a goal for the authors, research has found that "acquiring English takes considerably longer than most monolinguals imagine. The good news is that, contrary to myth, older children are more efficient language learners than younger children. So a gradual transition to English does not mean a lost opportunity to teach the language. In fact, research shows it's often the best way — and meanwhile it doesn't retard students' academic progress " (Crawford, b). If the authors were interested in truly teaching children as rapidly and effectively as possible, they would notice the method they have chosen is the least successful at early acquisition. Further, that studies have continually shown at least three years is required for second language acquisition. Article 2 proposes that all children shall be taught in English, those that are English learners shall be taught in sheltered immersion for a period not to exceed one year. This prohibits the use of any language but English in the school and would thus become a violation of the law. Current effective programs would have to end and even classroom aides could not speak to a student in a language other than English. This would apply to all students at any age and at any level of language learning (Crawford, b). "Sheltered English immersion- not bilingual education - is the unproven, experimental program. Very little research evidence exists on this model and what does exist is not encouraging. No such program in the United States claims to teach English within a "one year transition period." Nor is there any indication that immersion teaches English38 Jennifer Blythe Vega African faster than bilingual program models. In the largest study of English immersion to date, only 4 percent of LEP students were reclassified as fully English-proficient (FEP) after one year - as compared with 13 percent of those in early-exit and 12 percent in late-exit bilingual programs. Speed of English acquisition is far less important than long-term academic achievement. Students in late-exit bilingual programs had a more gradual transition to English. But after 6 years they significantly outperformed their peers in immersion and early-exit programs. Imposing "sheltered English immersion" as the only legal alternative for teaching LEP children is a leap in the dark, with no support in educational research. Most likely, it's also a leap backward to the sink-or-swim era, when these students' needs were largely ignored" (Crawford, b). Further, the U n z and Tuchman encourage schools to "mix together" students of different ages with similar levels of English ability. "In other words, children would be warehoused in conditions inimical to learning any subject but English. This makes a mockery of the theory behind "sheltered English immersion" - which aims to teach the language through academic content. That becomes a virtual impossibility in classrooms with students of varying ages, grades, and backgrounds" (Crawford, b). There are also no provisions or requirements for teacher qualifications or for evaluation of the learning method. Currently, State law requires teachers to be trained in bilingual education. However, with the n e w mandate, a teacher m a y enter class in the n e w semester with no official training and a classroom of children half of w h o m do not speak any English. Not only will teachers not have previously required training, but they will no longer have the option for individualized instruction based on students' needs. This law requires all students to be taught in the same manner for the same period of time. Also it limits the ability of local school districts decision-making rights for their particular community and students. Further, both students and teachers m a y be faced with a set-up of a class with mixed age groups, with no additional training on h o w to work with this type of arrangement. A s M A L D E F () describes, children are all at different age specific developmental levels and learning levels. There is no pedagogical background or research which supports the mixing of grades, so children will suffer the loss of ability to learn other subjects such as math and science during this period of time. Article 3 discusses parental exceptions for those wishing the student to remain in bilingual classes. The parents would have to "personally" visit the school and be instructed on all program choices. However, this can only occur if the child already knows English, is over age 10 years, or the child has special needs. "Strict requirements for paperwork and personal visits will discourage many parents from even applying for waivers. N o provision is made for language assistance" (Crawford, b). Students would only be granted a waiver if there are 20 students in the school w h o request such assistance, otherwise they must transfer to another school. There are no requirements for the school districts to approve waivers; it will be up to the sole discretion of each school. For parents w h o are already at a disadvantage due to language, this will prove to be a difficult www.enthralaviation.comge minority rights or the end of bilingual education in California 39 Although hopefully not an intent of the authors this includes two-way immersion and foreign language programs. In U . S . colleges where foreign language is a requirement for entrance, students m a y be faced with a prohibitive law that denies their right to enter a college program. In order to receive foreign language instruction even in high school, at least 20 parents must follow this procedure and sign waivers for the students, and the school must accept the waiver ( M A L D E F , ). Article .4 provides ,, per year to adult English language programs for parents and community members w h o tutor students in English. N o provisions are m a d e for quality of the teachers, level of English knowledge or credentials. This combined with the costs of running two language programs in schools with 20 students w h o have signed waivers m a y actually prove to be more costly than the current bilingual education expenditures, which are approximately % over mainstream students. Further, this money only adds up to $ per year for every person in California www.enthralaviation.comes English learning ( M A L D E F , ). Article 5 allows parents to enforce the laws created by Proposition through suing the school board, teacher or administrator w h o does not abide by the provisions of the n e w language. It seems a hefty toll to place on parents as well as the school and staff. "It offers a chance to harass teachers, administrators, and school board members - with legal expenses picked up by the taxpayers. Threatening educators with lawsuits in which they "may be held personally liable" for monetary damages is designed to intimidate them" (Crawford, b). Not only will parents n o w have the opportunity to "monitor" the teachers' o w n language, but in direct violation of California law for public employees, the government will not longer be required to pay on the job judgments against public employees nor will they be protected through liability insurance. A n unfortunate result of this m a y be halting the pursuit of teaching as a career by qualified individuals ( M A L D E F , ). California is already under great strain to provide the number of teachers necessary for filling the lowered class size legislation, this Proposition will m a k e that even more difficult. The only amendment to this initiative is outlined in Article 8, which requires a two-thirds vote of each house of legislature. "This "super-majority" provision would make an English Only law virtually immune to legislative change or repeal - no matter how badly it fails the children of California" (Crawford, b). According to " N o on " (), there are m a n y unanswered questions placed in proposition In March, the State Board of Education ended mandatory bilingual education allowing schools to utilize different methods for teaching English to L E P students. Proposition would put an end to the choice by district and instead "mandates a single teaching method that's never been tested" (No on , ). Further, for students w h o need additional assistance, the Proposition actually makes it illegal to teach in the children's languages to help them learn English. Parents would actually be allowed to file lawsuits against teachers and school districts for using a language other than English in the40 Jennifer Mythe Vega African classroom. Students would be required to learn English in just one year with no other public school assistance. Teachers will only be required to have a "good knowledge" of the English language in order to teach language minority students. Further, programs that have been proven successful will also end as the Proposition "bans all local programs—even the best ones—and imposes one state mandate" (No on , ). The authors of the proposition would lead readers to believe that bilingual education has proven a failure in California, quoting 9 5 % failure rates. W h e n in reality, "that statistic means that every year about 5% of children are reclassified as having mastered English well enough to succeed academically. That doesn't mean 95% of the students have failed; it simply means they didn't master enough English in one year—which proves that Proposition 's one-year only immersion program won' t work" (No on , ). "Bilingual education is not on the ballot in June. What is on the ballot is Proposition 's very specific proposal for California's children. If Proposition passes on June 2 , the state has 60 days to put million limited English peaking kids into one classroom- regardless of their differences in ages, cultural backgrounds and academic abilities—to be taught by a teacher w h o is forbidden—under the threat of a lawsuit— from speaking to these kids in their o w n language. After 1 school year — only days— these kids get put into regular classes regardless of whether or not they've mastered enough academic English to succeed in school." (No on ,). In order for parents to allow their children to take additional English classes, they would have to go to the school and request a waiver. A waiver can only be obtained if the child is over 10 years old or has special needs. Further, if there are not at least 19 other children in the school requiring additional assistance, the child would have to transfer to a different school. "But the real cruelty of Proposition is that it denies waivers to children under ten years old w h o test below average on English exams-the very children w h o need additional English instruction the most. N o exceptions" (No on , ). Currently, if a parent wants his or her child in "English-only" classes the simply request it in writing from the principal. The opponents also find that "the reason w h y Proposition is ahead in the polls at this time has more to do with the public's frustration with the state of education. There have been recent discussions about class size, school safety, teacher support, dwindling resources, math standards, teacher evaluations. Governor Pete Wilson is proposing education reform ballot initiatives for the November ballot. This discussion about improving education genuinely reflects Californians' desire to provide the best opportunities for our children. Proposition just doesn't fit this bill" (No on , ). O p p o n e n t s to Richard W . Riley , U . S . Secretary of Education, National Education Association, L A U S D , the California League of W o m e n Voters, California P T A , California Teachers Association, California Federation of Teachers, California School Boards Association and the Association of California School Administrators, State Superintendent of Public InstructionLanguage minority rights or the end of bilingual education in California 41 are just some of those opposed to Proposition In fact, in the June gubernatorial elections, all four candidates were united only on the opposition to Richard W . Riley () states "Proposition , however, is not the w a y to go. In m y opinion, adoption of the U n z A m e n d m e n t will lead to fewer children learning English and m a n y children falling further behind in their studies." His official statement provided main reasons that this initiative would in fact be "counter-productive" in the education of children: "First, the one year time limit and one-size-fits-all approach to learning English flies in the face of years of research that tells us that children learn in different ways and at different speeds. A recent National Research Council report (3) released last month states that, 'hurrying young non- English speaking children into reading in English without ensuring adequate preparation is counter-productive '. The report recommends that children with no English proficiency are best taught to read English by first being taught reading in their native language, if teachers and instructional materials in their native language are available. Second, the Unz Amendment limits the discretion of teachers to choose the approach that is best stated for the children they teach. Some children may learn best in an English-only class, others may learn faster in a bilingual class or through some other proven approach, but with the Unz approach, teachers are given no option to use their professional judgment. Third, Proposition would subject teachers, school board members, and educational administrators to personal liability in litigation by parents if they fail to comply with its requirements. I find this aspect of Proposition both punitive and threatening. This is not the way to build parent- teacher cooperation - a key to student success. Fourth, the Unz Initiative is a direct attack on local control of education. I am surprised that so many outspoken advocates of local control have chosen not to take issue with this fundamental flaw in the Unz Initiative. The Unz Initiative would not be a helping hand for language instruction, but rather the heavy hand of over regulation. Local flexibility to choose the approaches that work best for their students should not be constrained by a mandate for one approach over the other. I believe that every school district should choose the approach that works best for them based on sound research. Fifth, the Unz Initiative will in all likelihood result in problems under federal civil rights laws. In the seminal case of Lau v. Nichols, the Supreme Court interpreted Title VI of the Civil Rights Act to require school districts to take steps to ensure that national origin minority students with limited English proficiency can effectively participate in the regular educational program " (Riley, ) The California Federation of Teachers (), states their opposition to through the potential harm to the million children needing bilingual education services. The lack of42 Jennifer Blythe Vega African research to support sheltered immersion and mixed age classrooms are part of this potential harm. They also cite the decreased parental involvement through decision-making opportunities aside from acting as "spies" against teachers as detrimental to the learning environment. The Los Angeles Unified School District ( L A U S D ) proposes that the initiative makes harmful curriculum decisions, limits equal participation for language minority students, takes away successfully proven programs and individualized methodology, limits local school district and parental choice and chooses to implement a proven unsuccessful program. They officially encourage the Board of Education and Superintendent to oppose the initiative and inform the community about the effectiveness of bilingual education (). The American Civil Liberties Union ( A C L U ) defines language discrimination in employment citing,;yiqlations of the Civil Rights Act of and the Civil Rights Act of '(Title VI) . In California, two such laws ban discrimination due to race through business, the Unruh Civil Rights Act and the Unfair Practices Act. D u e to these and other legislation discriminating against an employee due to language or English-only worksite regulations are viewed. as illegal by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission ( E E O C ) . These laws include businesses that do not provide services for non-English speaking persons or for government offices that not provide bilingual materials. Wha t makes a public school so different? All these public offices require is a 5% clientele that speaks another language to provide assistance, yet a school is exempt from this requirement (ACLU, ). Bilingual education research The Ramirez Report is the most recent and largest study of the effectiveness of bilingual education programs. This report compared children learning English in three types of bilingual education programs, English immersion, early-exit bilingual and ' late-exit bilingual. In the immersion and early-exit programs, the students were performing at comparable levels in English and math by the end of grade 3. However, these students showed a considerable gap in learning behind regular students. In the late-exit program, the students were catching up to the regular students academically. The findings showed "sustained promotion of children's primary language can be an effective route both to academic excellence and literacy in two languages; second, it has unequivocally refuted the notion that intensive exposure to English is the best way of teaching language minority children" (Cummins, Genzuk, ). Krashen (the dropout argument) defines the myth of the high dropout rates of Hispanic student being related to bilingual education. Hispanic students do have higher dropout rates than non-Hispanic students. However, Krashen cites the 30% rate as including those w h o were never enrolled in school with an actual percentage closer to 20%. O f these students, Spanish speaking students >

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The Impacts of current medium of instruction policies on literacy development in post colonial Africa: research evidence and proposals for improvement

Collectivité auteur : UNESCO Regional Office for Education in Africa (Senegal)

Personne auteur : Bunyi, Grace W.

Dans : Comparative perspectives on language and literacy, p.

Langue : Anglais

Année de publication :

JEUX ANDROIDGenreTOUT

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